Chapter 144
Chapter 144
23. In tne s ege surrounding the Giant - 8
It was the last day of July 1818. The Westminster Assembly, which had been wandering in chaos, settled the confusion and decided to dispatch Wellington's corps and the European Expeditionary Force.
A transport fleet of 1,100 ships and 41 warships was escorting them. And countless frigates and corvettes set sail from the port of Chatham carrying Wellington's corps.
Never in British history had they organized a large army of 100,000 troops and sent it out to the mainland. Britain had always dealt with foreign affairs with diplomacy and capital rather than with the blood of its own people.
And Britain was now sending a large corps to the continent, prepared for massive bleeding. Napoleon Bonaparte was a threat to Britain's national interest and security. It was the result of a national agreement that Britain would collapse if his reign was not put to an end.
"The future and destiny of the Kingdom, sovereignty, and the freedom and dignity of the people of the land. Its only up to the Marquis."
Prime Minister George Canning held Arthur Wellesley's hand for a long time. Wet sweat dripped from the Prime Minister's hands. How could he turn a blind eye to that earnestness and desperation as a British soldier?
Arthur Wellesley's shoulders were heavier than ever. If even Wellington's corps was defeated, spring would no longer come to Britain.
"I will fight for the dignity of the royal family, the glory of our country, and the sovereignty of Britain, and I will certainly win,"
Britain's last master had the spirit to withstand this nationwide pressure. That was why he was chosen as the spear of Britain against the god of war. Arthur Wellesley's face as he boarded the ship was more determined than ever.
'I will surely win, even if I have to hand over my body and soul to the devil.'
Wellington's corps, which arrived in Kbnigsberg 10 days after sailing on a fair wind, was warmly welcomed by the Coalition soldiers who were thirsty for support.
"The warriors of the promised victory are here!"
"Liberators of the isla nd nation I We have been waiting for you I"
"Red coats! Red coats! Red coats!!"
When would the British, who were despised by mainlanders, ever receive such praise? The British soldiers shrugged their shoulders and put a lot of strength into their arms and legs. The British officer who saw it muttered with derision,
"They are excited like this without knowing that these are cheers asking them to risk their lives in their stead. What a bunch of idiots."
"Ahem! Lets not be discouraged by nonsense, and its good to have discipline like this."
The 90,000 British troops who arrived in Kbnigsberg, with the exception of 10,000 reservists who would defend the mainland and maintain security in the rear, were sufficient to reverse the war that had been disadvantaged by the defeat of the 'Battle of Leipzig'.
The British had fought against the French in the Iberian Peninsula war with guerrilla, shooting battles and defensive delaying tactics, They had been able to defeat Europe's strongest troops one after another by fig hting with the advantages of terrain, types of troops, and weapons.
But now the Coalition was in crisis and there were not much of the advantages that the British had used on this wide plain. From an offensive standpoint, they would have to fight with great damage. And yet Arthur Wellesley was confident.
'There is no harsher and stricter discipline than the one of the Prussian army. They don't even feel as strong a sense of unity and enthusiasm for war as the French army. But the red coats go through more training and correction than any other country's military before being put into action.'
The British army was the only one in Europe that could train with dozens of live bullets, and that could devote six long months to war preparations. (The average European army would use a month at the longest.) The British army was like well smelted steel. Their qualitative capabilities were among the best in Europe.
In addition, the British army had the highest proportion of riflemen in the world, and the number of available ammunition and artillery shells in the infantry and artillery units was perfect.
Congreve rockets and canisters and other secret weapons were also on standby. 90,000 British troops would bring disaster to the enemy with 150,000 men, more fire power and organization. It was the confidence that only Arthur Wellesley, who had trained them for half a year, could have.
"Welcome, Marquis! I've been waiting so long for you, brave and wise, and for the red coats to join us!"
It was Alexander I, Tsar of the Russian Empire, who welcomed him with open arms and a brig ht face.
Knowing how long he had been waiting for the British to join, Wellesley greeted him by bowing down without saying a word.
Walking along the Kbnigsberg Temporary Palace with the Tsar of Russia, Wellesley asked about the enemy's news that he had not heard during the voyage.
"What about France, or the Union?"
"The wicked and greedy are dreaming of advancing into the territories of our country. It looks like they don't know their place after winning a few battles."
Puzzled, Arthur Wellesley asked Alexander I, who was smirking.
"Do you mean that the Union members are preparing a direct invasion of Russia?"
"That's right."
Alexander I's explained that the Coalition's intelligence agents in Paris, Marseille, Amsterdam, Naples, Prague, etc. all received a single piece of information.
It was the intelligence that the French government was preparing a deal to import 'something' from the Ottoman Empire on a large scale. And that 'something' was camels.
"Camels from the Ottoman Empire?"
"Oh, come to think of it, the Marquis served in India, Aren't you familiar with the characteristics of camels?"
"Of course, Your Majesty."
Camels, which were used as major means of transportation instead of horses in desert countries, were highly adaptable to the environment, like animals whose main habitat was desert.
Unlike horses that collapsed when a little severe cold wave blew or were exposed to midday hot weather, camels could withstand relatively intact in different climates and environments.
In addition, camels were stronger that horses and had better endurance. That meant they could carry more luggage at once.
In addition, the fact that they could survive without drinking water for a long time was also an advantage of camels as a means of transportation.
The Coalition's staff interpreted France's move to supply camels in large quantities as follows,
Before they could advance into Russian territory in earnest, they would use camels to replace horses as a means of transport to support the supply of troops. At first glance, this was quite a plausible reasoning,
"At the time of the expedition in 1812, Nabot had spent more than half a year just investing in supplies before attacking our country. Unfortunately, our country lost, but we could see one positive factor: the advantage of having vast grasslands."
At the time of the expedition to Russia, the expeditionary forces lost 10,000 war horses in the first two weeks of the war, although Napoleon, the god of war, was so preoccupied with supply. This was because they were unable to adapt to the lack of water, food, and the changed environment.
As the horses died massively, the supply was delayed, the advance was slower, and the losses outside of combat snowballed. Perhaps it had been a reality like a living hell.
It was only after the war was over that Alexander I learned that the conditions of the expeditionary force had been that bad.
"I blamed myself for not being too fierce. I should have carried out a more vicious scorched earth campaign, and dragged on the war more severely! Whether or not they had captured our elite armies, or if the serfs of the empire died, if only we had driven the expeditionary forces into our vast lands! If we had done so, the winners and losers of the war would have been reversed."
Only then did Wellesley understand the reasoning of the Coalition's staff. Napoleon was not someone to repeat the mistake he had done once, and therefore he must have taken advantage of the past to prepare measures for the supply problem when advancing to Russia.
The Coalition's staff decided that France's move to import camels from the Ottoman Empire was part of this plan. When camels were brought in and supply bases and supply chains were complete would be when the Union started their second expedition to Russia.
"The clever Nabot has decided that camels are better than horses as a means of sustaining supply. What a funny and pitiful thing to do! If camels could solve all the difficulties of supplying troops, the many armies and commanders that have existed on this land would not have worried too much about supply. Nabot only briefly tasted the harshness of the frozen grasslands, and still has the arrogance of thinking he can conquer this empire. I am going to give him a proper experience of the greatness of the Empire."
Alexander I seemed to be planning a much harsher scorched earth operation than in 1812.
Hell would unfold for the Russian people and serfs who were living on the expected Union's march, but that was not what Wellesley cared about.
Obviously, the scorched earth operation could be a deadly tactic against the Union invading Russia, But Wellesley somehow felt uneasy.
'Na poleon is the author of deceit and trickery that he does as naturally as breathing. Would he expose his army's purpose and strategy so easily? If even this was meant to be a trick...'
However, there was also no information and no basis for this. Arthur Wellesley pursued his lips. As always, nothing was easy when dealing with Napoleon.
The political and military triumphs from Eastern Europe were enough to make the whole of Paris flutter. Their great Emperor once again occupied the whole of Germany and perfectly placed the remnants of France's thousand-year-old archrival, the Holy Roman Empire, at his feet.
No monarch in France's history had achieved such a feat and dignity. Only Napoleon Bonaparte could do it.
'The true master of Europe has been born!'
'The great victories of the Empire will be repeated forever!'
The squares in Paris were covered with posters with propaganda praising the Emperor and the French army. The faces of citizens passing by the roadside were overflowing with pride and confidence.
Artists and writers in Paris competed to present several works. All of them were glorifying the Emperor and the Empire.
The Emperor had given them the right to freely express their thoughts and opinions, even if they were different from the direction of the regime.
Nevertheless, the enthusiasm for praising for the Emperor was hotter now than before 1812, when there was still a strong censorship.
The evil deeds, mistakes, and petty acts committed by the Emperor in the past were glorified and reevaluated through all kinds of propaganda media. He was simply following the steady idolization process.
Even more surprisingly, no one was talking about this abnormal situation in which the whole country was revering a single individual as if he were a religious messiah. Rather, they were enthusiastically assimilated into the atmosphere and shouted for the rule of Emperor Napoleon and the continuation of the Bonaparte imperial family.
"The Emperor must live for at least 20 more years and rule this country. The laurel crown of the Empire can only be used by His Majesty and his descendants. Our party, with the fervent support of our supporters, will ask the great Emperor who led this war to victory to remain on the throne."
"Woaaaaahh!!"
"Long live the Emperor!!"
"Long live Napoleon the Great!"
Members of the Imperial Parliament, regardless of their party, were all saying the same thing. The Emperor could never be separated from the Empire.
This was in direct opposition to the abolition of the monarchy and the revival of civil politics that Napoleon had spoken of in Strasbourg and Paris, What the hell was going on in Paris?
Napoleon had declared that he would step down from the throne after the war and that he would share the country's political power with the citizens. At first, the French people had cheered enthusiastically and praised the generous and holy concession.
They had praised Napoleon's bravery, saying that knowing a great Emperor who could lay down all personal achievement and power to recall the forgotten cause of the revolution would remain an immortal pride and honor in their lives.
However, as time passed, the enthusiasm cooled and rational judgment became possible, and the citizens began to feel strange emotions little by little.
He was a great, noble Emperor who opened the era of European hegemony for the French Empire, which his ancestors had longed for but never achieved, made the people's food, clothing, and shelter more abundant than ever, and was revered and respected by Europeans, ma king them envious of the French,
Could the Empire maintain its current status without the Em peror? Would it be able to stick to its proud and robust attitude even under the threat of its competitors? This anxiety was immediately revealed through the expression of public opinion.
"There is only one leader, His Majesty the Great, who rules the French Empire and takes care of his subjects,"
"Who built this great country and who put it at the top of Europe? I can't imagine a leader of the Empire other than His Majesty!"
"Even if we have to beg him, we must make him change his mind! His Majesty must rule this Empire forever. By all means!"
The middle class of the Empire did not lower their voices against the abdication of the Emperor in the streets, pubs, squares, The existence of the Emperor itself supported the security of the French Empire.
At the same time, they realized that his existence was the biggest factor making other Europeans envy the French people.
Who could give up such a leader? They wanted Napoleon Bonaparte to be their leader even if it meant enduring the contradiction of the revolutionary spirit. On the other hand, the atmosphere of the political plaza of the upper class and the ballroom was similar and slightly different.
"The Emperor's sincerity and cause shown in Strasbourg must have been fully conveyed to the imperial people. It is meaningful even if he does not put down the laurel crown."
"His Majesty understands the ideology and ideas of the revolutionary Empire better than anyone else. The Empire is only complete with his presence."
"His Majesty is the only leader who can lead this country's wealth and rise. The Bonaparte imperial family must survive."
Since the end of the Iberian Peninsula War in 1813, new industries had blossomed in the French Empire and the nation's economy had experienced an all-time boom. No bourgeoisie ignored that this was entirely the result of Napoleon Bonaparte's reforms,
If Napoleon were to abdicate and change the political system, the Empire would inevitably experience chaos in the process of shifting power.
It was unclear whether the leader who would come to power in the future would be able to maintain his current achievements, The capitalist class was concerned about the 'variables' that could lighten their pockets.
Needless to say, the lowest class of the poor was pro-imperialists. Napoleon expanded welfare for the underprivileged and introduced progressive taxes to ease the tax burden on the poor.
As a result, the poor received more salaries and benefits than before and had to pay fewer taxes.
There was a sense of crisis among the poor that all these policies and benefits could disappear along with Napoleon if he abdicated. They could not accept the retreat of welfare even if it meant maintaining a pre-modern autocratic monarchy.
As such, all classes, which were usually difficult to reconcile, supported the continuation of the Emperor's reign according to their political and economic interests.
Even the most moderate were opposed to the abolition of the imperial family. It was the Imperial Parliament that first acted upon the public opinion.
'Napoleon Bonaparte as the eternal Emperor of the Empire!'
Of course, the members of the Imperial Parliament did not have their loyalty to the emperor stretched to the bone. If the monarchy was abolished and a new cabinet was established, the power of the Imperial Parliament, which represented the citizens, would increase.
Its members admired the Emperor, like the other Frenchmen, but for this reason they were waiting more than anyone else for the day Napoleon came down from the throne.
But they were now looking at the public opinion. The vast majority of French wanted Napoleon to sit on the throne, even if it meant maintaining a contradictory despotism.
"Even if we oppose it, the situation will not change much anyway, Rather, we would be criticized by the public for being crazy about power and selling out the Emperor. However, it would be better for us to say that we will actively step up to change the Emperor's will."
The Imperial Parliament decided to jump on the trend and gain popular support and favor. They did not know right now, but this would be the basis for the growing influence of the Imperial Parliament in the new cabinet after the end of the war.
In addition, Napoleon was a monarch who respected the authority and opinions of the parliament and expanded its authority, unlike despotic monarchs during absolute monarchy.
Although it was against their ultimate ideology of parliamentary democracy, it was not difficult for the members of the Imperial Parliament to say 'Long live the Emperor!1
Napoleon thought that he had made the best political decision to step down. But what he overlooked was the desire of the French people.
It was not just about their loyalty to Napoleon himself. It was the people's praise, support, and pride for their leader who had created the brightest golden age in French history.
All the forces in Paris wanted Napoleon to stay on the throne. And this was never intended by Napoleon, currently on the battlefield. The ball that he rolled on the board, after he had calculated everything thoroughly, was bouncing on an unexpected trajectory.