Chapter 561: The Ottoman Crisis
Compared to his ancestors who ravaged three continents—Europe, Asia, and Africa—Sultan Abdulaziz I could easily be considered a model of restraint. Since his ascension to the throne, he had maintained friendly relations with his neighbors and exercised extreme caution in foreign affairs, doing his best to avoid conflicts with the great European powers.
Apart from opportunistically striking against the Russians during the Russo-Prussian War, Abdulaziz I had never initiated any wars himself. He was one of the rare sultans in history to be considered a pacifist.
Moreover, the last war was also riddled with hidden agendas. If it hadn’t been for the covert instigation by the great powers, Abdulaziz I would most likely have chosen to remain a mere spectator.
However, this “pacifism” wasn’t entirely by choice. It was more because the enemies surrounding him were too powerful, and he had no choice but to choose peace because he simply couldn’t win.
You reap what you sow. When the Ottoman Empire was strong, it made enemies everywhere, and now it’s time to pay the price.
After all, it wouldn’t be fair if only the Ottoman Empire could bully others without facing any consequences in return. Now that the empire was in decline, Austria and Russia were eager to exact their revenge. If not for their limited strength, even Persia, their neighbor, might have joined in.
Now, Persia and the Ottoman Empire are both in decline. Due to its geographical location, the Ottoman Empire borders two great powers, so its tragedy came earlier.
In comparison, Persia to the east is better off, only having to face the British. At least they still have hope of victory. Just over a decade ago, the Persians even crushed a British invasion.
With a cold snort, Abdulaziz I tore the war report in his hand into shreds. It was undoubtedly more bad news. He had been on the verge of losing his mind in recent days.
“Yesterday, the Austrians besieged Jerusalem and today the Bosphorus has fallen. Are we just waiting for the Dardanelles to be taken in a few days and for the enemy to parade through Ankara?”Everyone lowered their heads in silence. It wasn’t that the Ottoman army wasn’t trying, but the difference in strength between the two sides was too great. The Russians weren’t just blindly charging forward either. In the first month of the war, Russian forces had landed at five different ports.
Before the reinforcements dispatched by the Ottoman government could arrive, the Russian troops would withdraw and attack another port, keeping the Ottomans constantly on the defensive.
Although it seemed like no significant victories were achieved, the damage inflicted on the Ottoman Empire was substantial. As the Russians advanced, they implemented a scorched-earth tactic, forcing large numbers of coastal residents to relocate inland.
While fighting the enemy, the Ottoman government also had to bear the responsibility of resettling war refugees. Despite Abdulaziz I’s fierce rhetoric, calling for all citizens to resist the enemy at all costs, the reality was much different.
Once the Russians captured a region, they immediately began causing destruction. They damaged farmlands, burned houses, demolished landmark buildings, and expelled the local population inland.
The Ottoman Empire’s coastline was too long to be heavily defended at every point, and in areas with weaker defenses, the enemy found opportunities to land.
Each time the Russian army successfully landed, the Ottoman Empire gained tens of thousands, sometimes even hundreds of thousands, of war refugees. The principle that the law doesn’t punish the masses applied in the Ottoman Empire as well. The Ottoman government couldn’t possibly hold so many fleeing people accountable.
People need food to survive. Within a short period, the Ottoman Empire had hundreds of thousands of refugees. Providing relief to so many displaced people left the unprepared Ottoman government overwhelmed.
Other supplies were manageable, as Ottoman citizens didn’t have high demands and just having something to eat was enough. But even this simplest requirement troubled the Ottoman government.
Watching the grain reserves dwindle day by day, Abdülaziz I was deeply troubled. Now that the Bosporus had fallen, the number of war refugees was set to rise again.
One or two days might be manageable, but if the war dragged on for a year or two, the Ottoman government wouldn’t have enough grain reserves.
War Minister Ahmed replied anxiously, “Your Majesty, the enemy has naval superiority and moves swiftly on the battlefield. Before our reinforcements arrive, they withdraw in advance, avoiding a decisive battle.”
This explanation clearly didn’t satisfy Abdülaziz I. He said, “Other areas may have such issues, but the Bosporus was captured by the Russian army’s steady advance. Don’t tell me you didn’t have time to gather reinforcements?”
The Ottoman army stationed around the Bosporus numbered more than 200,000, while the attacking Russian forces were only about 100,000. On paper, the Ottomans had a clear numerical advantage, yet they still suffered defeat.
War is not just about numbers, it’s more about how troops are deployed. While the Ottoman army might seem larger, in reality, they had to spread their forces across various regions, leaving them at a disadvantage when facing the Russian forces in battle.
Ahmed hurriedly explained, “Your Majesty, although the Bosporus has fallen, we’ve inflicted heavy losses on the Russian forces. The troops that have landed are no longer capable of launching another major offensive in the short term.
We are currently gathering reinforcements and preparing to push them back into the sea.
Now that the Russo-Polish War has broken out, the Russian government likely won’t send additional forces. On the surface, we may have lost this battle, but strategically, the situation is turning in our favor.”
This explanation was enough to reassure the militarily inexperienced Abdülaziz I. Deep down, he wanted to hear good news.
As for whether the counterattack plan would succeed, that was no longer important. The battlefield is full of uncertainty, and unexpected events are common.
Noticing the issue, the Minister of the Interior, Muhammed, furrowed his brow and quickly glanced at the Sultan’s expression. He wisely chose to feign ignorance.
After a moment’s hesitation, perhaps out of guilt or concern that the Ottoman Empire was sinking and that everyone would suffer, Muhammed discreetly reminded, “As of now, the number of war refugees in the country has exceeded 750,000, which is a dangerously high figure. If this number continues to rise, we won’t have enough food for relief efforts, and it could lead to serious unrest.”
It wasn’t just a possibility—it was inevitable. The Ottoman Empire had a population of only 16 million, and refugees already accounted for 4.7% of the total population.
With so many people having lost their livelihoods, the country simply didn’t have enough jobs to accommodate them, leaving them entirely dependent on government aid for survival.
If the defeats on the battlefield continue, the number of refugees will keep rising. The Ottoman Empire is not a major grain producer, and with overseas trade blockaded, a food crisis is almost inevitable as the refugee numbers grow.
In reality, the situation would be even worse. With so many people idle every day, relying on government aid, maintaining public order would become a major issue.
These words would naturally be interpreted differently by different people. What was intended to put pressure on the military was understood quite differently by Abdulaziz I.
“To save food, from now on, we’ll treat refugees differently when providing relief. Priority will be given to our own people blessed by Allah, and the rest will be left to fend for themselves!
The concentration of refugees in one place is also a problem. The government should figure out how to disperse them. If they can’t come up with a plan, then have the infidels give up their homes to make room.”
Hearing the Sultan’s words, Muhammed broke into a cold sweat. Was the country not chaotic enough already? If anyone else had said this, he would have thought the enemy had bribed them and sent them to sabotage the Ottoman Empire deliberately.
The Ottoman Empire already had severe ethnic and religious tensions, and now this kind of discrimination would only push people into rebellion.
The phrases “coordinated attacks from within and without” and “internal strife and external threats” had already popped up in Muhammed’s mind. He hurriedly advised, “Your Majesty, this cannot be allowed! We are in the middle of a war, and we cannot afford internal strife. If we intensify these conflicts now, the infidels might collude with the enemy, and the empire would be in great danger.”
Sadly, Abdulaziz I was no longer the ambitious sultan he had been at the beginning of his reign, but rather a defeated man who had given up, recklessly throwing caution to the wind.
Before 1872, Abdulaziz I’s performance could still be considered that of a wise ruler. In domestic affairs, he allowed the people to recuperate, established universities, set up legal codes, and carried out secular reforms in the Ottoman Empire.
However, after the reforms failed in 1872 under strong resistance from conservatives, Abdulaziz I became disillusioned, losing his former vision and ambition.
He became increasingly radical in his actions, refusing to listen to advice. Faced with religious and ethnic issues, instead of addressing the root causes, he opted for violent suppression.
In the original timeline, Abdulaziz I went too far and was overthrown by the people in 1876, eventually dying in frustration.
If things are to be handled according to Abdulaziz I’s current mindset, the empire might not even last two years. Perhaps within two months, someone else would already take over.